President Paul Kagame attending the Global Citizen NOW Summit | Kigali, 2 May 2024
In a latest interview with the French magazine Jeune Afrique, President Paul Kagame firmly rejects accusations that Rwanda supports the M23 rebels in eastern DRC and asserts that the responsibility for the crisis lies with DRC President Félix Tshisekedi. He accuses Kinshasa of fueling instability through ethnic persecution and the use of foreign mercenaries. Kagame argues that Rwanda has been unfairly blamed for a decades-old problem rooted in the DRC’s governance failures and the continued presence of the genocidal FDLR militia.
Expressing skepticism about international mediation efforts, Kagame cites Kinshasa’s history of violating peace agreements. He defends Rwanda’s actions as necessary for self-preservation against hostile neighbors and questions why the international community ignores Congolese aggression. He maintains that the M23 represent a persecuted community rather than mere rebels.
Dismissing threats of sanctions from Western nations, Kagame asserts that Rwanda will always prioritize its security over foreign pressure. He criticizes former colonial powers for their role in the region’s instability and denounces Western double standards. Confident in Rwanda’s resilience, he declares that no external force will dictate the country’s actions.
Kagame’s message is clear: Rwanda will not bow to intimidation, and the world must acknowledge the deeper realities of the Great Lakes crisis.
Jeune Afrique: Are you satisfied with the outcome of the joint regional summit in Dar es Salaam, and do you think the ceasefire demanded by the heads of state has any chance of taking effect?
President Paul Kagame: Satisfied, yes. The participants were focused on the future and agreed on positive measures. Now, we have to see how these conclusions will be implemented, especially by the Congolese side, which is the most concerned. Regarding this, there was no valid reason for President Tshisekedi’s absence from the summit. Instead, he chose to travel to Chad to seek military support before joining the summit remotely. That speaks volumes about his mindset and intentions. For him, the solution is military, while others are trying to find a peaceful resolution.
The Dar es Salaam summit called for the resumption of direct dialogue between the Congolese government and the M23 rebels, which aligns with your position. But it also demanded the withdrawal of your “defensive measures” and the disengagement of your forces, which is an implicit acknowledgment of the presence of your troops in the DRC…
This issue is primarily about the DRC, not Rwanda. The problem is in the DRC, from its origins to today. We are, of course, involved, and we will play our role accordingly.
We have been involved for 30 years, ever since this problem began. You know the history; I don’t need to repeat it. We have signed at least five agreements with the Congolese government since 2007, and none have been respected by the DRC. The genocidal militias are still present. So should we simply remain silent and not act? Portraying Rwanda as the problem is a way of rewriting history by turning the victim into the aggressor.
Moreover, there are blatant inconsistencies and dishonesty from countries like Belgium, which are part of this history and the problem. The DRC government employs mercenaries—everyone knows this. Where do they come from? Europe. Have you heard a single European country blame its own citizens involved in this or the government that recruited them? None. Yet, they keep repeating that everything is Rwanda’s fault.
Is there a risk of the conflict escalating into a regional war, as feared by Burundian President Évariste Ndayishimiye?
You cannot fear fire while adding fuel to it. What we have heard from the presidents of Burundi and the DRC are constant threats against Rwanda. They are the ones who created this situation by seeking confrontation, inciting violence, and even mentioning the overthrow of the Rwandan government. These leaders are trying to stir up a larger regional conflict based on ethnic and tribal politics—an outdated and dangerous approach. Of course, they fail to understand that when you oppress people, they will always seek to defend themselves.
I don’t know what these two countries truly aim to achieve, but I hope that logic will eventually prevail. They need to wake up and address the real issues.
Rwanda clearly has sympathies for the M23 and supports them. Why?
First, I have sympathy for Rwanda, my country, which is caught in this situation because of unreasonable neighbors and other external actors fueling the conflict.
Do I also sympathize with the M23? Yes, based on facts and evidence. This is a group that represents a large population that is persecuted, displaced, and killed. We have hundreds of thousands of refugees here who can testify to this. And these people are persecuted simply because they are associated with Rwanda.
The M23 members are accused of being Tutsi and are being forced into Rwanda, even though it was colonial history and border demarcations that placed them in the DRC. The Congolese government’s disastrous policy seeks to isolate and target a specific group of its own citizens based on their origins. So yes, why shouldn’t I sympathize with them? Would you rather I sympathize with the Kinshasa government, which is at the root of all these problems? With the genocidal FDLR militias? With the “Wazalendo” militias created by the Congolese government for ethnic warfare? Or with Burundian leaders who have entered this conflict with the same goal of supporting Kinshasa in its campaign of persecution?
We faced a similar situation in 2012-2013. Why is this issue resurfacing a decade later? Why wasn’t it resolved in the meantime? Those are the real questions to ask.
If the M23 is composed of Congolese citizens, why not let the Congolese solve the problem themselves?
Good question. But they should answer this themselves—why did they create this problem, and why have they made it even more complex?
A related issue: the FDLR. Why does this genocidal group still exist and continue to be used against Rwanda? If these people had stayed quiet and chosen not to attack Rwanda, I wouldn’t care about them. The Congolese are free to coexist with such individuals. But I cannot accept that the DRC government uses them while the UN watches passively. Rwanda has the responsibility to protect itself. The Rwandan people have already suffered enough.
The presence of Rwandan soldiers in eastern DRC is seen as a fact by the UN and almost all your international partners—including China. They all demand their withdrawal. Is Rwanda isolated on the world stage?
Isolated from whom? And for what reasons? I don’t think so. Yes, the presence of Rwandan forces is considered evident. But so is the threat posed by the FDLR, mercenaries, and the public provocations by Félix Tshisekedi and Burundi. Those who blame us while ignoring these threats—where were they for the past 30 years? What did they do to prevent the Congolese government from persecuting its own people and using genocidal militias against Rwanda?
Belgium, the UK, and Germany have discussed suspending aid to Rwanda and even imposing sanctions. What is your response?
Countries like Belgium and Germany, former colonizers who contributed to the problem, threaten me with sanctions because I am defending my country. And they think they can intimidate us? Let’s be clear: if I must choose between facing an existential threat and dealing with sanctions, I will take up arms to confront the threat—regardless of the sanctions.
We went through the worst in 1994, and it made us stronger. My response is the same as that of a woman whose story I told in my speech during the 30th genocide commemoration in 2024. Before killing her, her executioners told her to choose how she wanted to die. Her response was to spit in their faces.
The Biden administration has regularly criticized Rwanda for supporting the M23. Will a Trump administration take a different approach?
I don’t know. But I hope that, one day, someone will see things as they really are, and maybe the Trump administration will understand. I expect many changes between the previous administration and this one—many of them for the better, including for us.
How should Africa react to the suspension of U.S. aid and the dismantling of USAID?
There is a broader restructuring happening within U.S. institutions. My long-standing position on aid is clear: aid is useful where it is necessary. But much of it is siphoned off by individuals in power. We do not want aid that perpetuates dependence; we want aid that enables people to stand on their own.
The process of reforming the African Union, which was your major project five years ago, has not achieved its objectives. Is this a collective failure on the part of the heads of state?
Absolutely. And we are solely responsible for it. I was chosen to lead this process. I assembled a team of experts, and we proposed reforms in all areas to the heads of state. A consensus was reached on the essentials, and it was during the implementation that problems began to appear. Those who were in the room and had given their agreement started to act in a completely different manner. So who is to blame, apart from ourselves?
There is something wrong with us, Africans, and we must honestly admit it. We cannot say one thing, commit to it, and then do exactly the opposite. And this repeats itself over and over again, with the same people. I don’t know how to manage this, but the problem is serious.
What do you expect from President Lourenço’s term at the head of the AU?
I think he will try to do his best, I wish him success and I expect the best from him until proven otherwise. The more he works with us, the more he will receive our support.
